Bengkayang is a frontline district of Indonesia and located on the border between Indonesia and Malaysia. Unfortunately, the front porch of the great nation of Indonesia has of 3T (3T status comes from Indonesian terminology which means Terdepan, Terluar, Tertinggal (Frontier, Outermost, Underdeveloped)) status, which means, Frontier, Outermost, and Underdeveloped. The status of Underdeveloped is not an ideal condition for Bengkayang that has "a duty" to give a first good impression to every foreigner who has just crossed the border line. Signs of a living city coloured by its infrastructure, public facilities, and shops, can only be found in the district centre of Bengkayang, which takes about 2 hours drive by car from the boundary line. However, the centre of Bengkayang is still underdeveloped compared to its neighbour, Singkawang or Pontianak.
Bengkayang Regency is dominated by the Dayak tribe. In fact, the majority owners of the shops and the restaurants in the Bengkayang centre are Chinese, followed by Javanese. Why are there so few Dayak people who enter the entrepreneurial world? Dayak who get a chance to go to college mostly take a major in the field of nursing, midwifery, or teachers. If one is traveling from central Bengkayang towards the border, it will be increasingly difficult to find shops, markets, restaurants, and other public facilities such as a post office or a bank. Most of the Dayak people in that area live from rubber incised that its price is sliding down.
This condition is certainly not conducive in relation to the ASEAN Economic Community which has been promoted since the end of 2015. Facing the open market, border areas must have a high nation competitiveness. In fact, apart from the existence of the MEA, as a border area Bengkayang needs to have a strong economic resilience. That is why the question arises why only a few Dayak people who plunge into the world of entrepreneurship? Then, given the social and cultural background, how can the entrepreneurial spirit grow in the Dayak youth?
The background of Dayak culture
Dayak Kanayatn which is one of the sub tribes of Dayak spreads in the district of Landak, Pontianak, Sambas, Singkawang, and Bengkayang. Based on the dialect used, in the Dayak Kanayatn there are more sub tribes such as Banana'-Bahahe, Badamea-Bajare, Bakati ', and Banyadu'.  Based on oral tradition, Dayak Kanayatn people believe that they come from Mount Bawank 1505 m height located in Bengkayang.
The concept of Dayak Kanayatn thought according to Andasputra (2017) is always related to Jubata (God creator), Talino (human), and Binua (land/territory). In other words, a group of Dayak people live together with the Creator God and the land of territory in a strong relation. That is why since many years ago the Dayak people live communally. Their spiritual devotion to Jubata has emerged shared values and norms in a common territory. In other words, their togetherness becomes a communal social network, living in the same values and norms that are regulated in their customs based on their spiritual devotion to Jubata, and there are trusts from each other through the experience of living in the same territory from a generation to a generation. The elements needed for the formation of a social capital such as social networks, norms and trust  are looked strongly in the Dayak community.
The communications of The Dayak community is more strengthened by living together in a radank house or traditional house of Dayak which is a stage house with its length that can reach more than 100 m. Their ancestors believed that the radangk house that became the symbol of a clan would be come stronger if the pillars of the house were supported by human heads . That is the reason why the ancestors of the Dayak community are familiar with the Ngayau culture, which means beheading of enemies who live in different radank houses. Not surprisingly their communality is stronger because it is not only based on the experience of living together but also the awareness of protect every each others from the lurking enemy to be headed their heads. Thus the Dayaks live in communal clusters because they live the same spirituality, cultivate the land in the same area, live together in the house of radangk, and protect each other.
Spiritual capital in business field
Zhou and Hu (2015) saw a close connection between the Chinese entrepreneurs' spiritual warming in Wenzhou and their huge donations. Likewise, Smith (2016) claims that the rapid economic growth in Latin America is the fruit of the contribution of the social capital and spiritual capital of the Pentecostals there. Grochmal (2016) even found that spiritual appreciation can be the basis of management of a company so that more optimal results can be obtained.
The idea of spiritual capital is not really new. Weber in his old work published in 1958 (2006) saw a strong relationship between the ethic of Protestantism and capitalism. Encouraged by the belief in destiny that only the chosen people get salvation, many people work hard to gain wealth. Their worldly wealth is a sign of God's blessing (Weber 1958 in : 111). Thus was born the economic awakening in industrial society both in the United States and in continental Europe.
As for Bellah (1992) sees that Confucius's premise is the unity of the economy and the state. This is what makes the Tokugawa rulers provide an economic concern for people. The core of Confucian economic policy is to encourage production and reduce consumption, so that the welfare of the people of the universe is more assured. Hijriah (2016) in his qualitative research also found that the Islamic spirituality containing Islamic spirituality intelligence has the potential to develop entrepreneurship of Islam in achieving business continuity.
Until now there has been no agreement on the definition of Spiritual Capital. It is said by Malloch (2003) that spiritual capital is the lost leg of economic development that must be combined with the other two legs, namely social capital and personal capital. Davies & Guest (in Flanagan 2007) says that the term spiritual capital is understood as the linkage of religious faith with the use of cultural resources. The benefit gains associated with spiritual capital are discussed also by Zohar & Marshall (2004: 21). They argue that a spiritual capital requires a moral and social dimension to capitalism. Therefore, spiritual capital speaks of bringing greater profit by doing business through a broader context of meaning and value. This will provide not only physical but also inner wellbeing.
This research touches on areas of spiritual capital, social capital, and institutional economics. All of these areas relate to humans that are not exact at all so this research is not to verify theory. What the focus of the study is not the hypothesis but the fact that inductively evolves into a theory . Therefore, paradigm chosen in this research is qualitative paradigm with subjective approach (: 20).
To learn about the spiritual capital, social capital, and institutional economy of a society it is necessary to carefully examine the spiritual devotion that colors the norms and conventions that flourish among them. Therefore, it takes deep interviews, as well as the involvement of researchers in the daily life of community groups studied. Thus will be obtained the way of thinking and perspective as well as the norms that live in their midst. This research is conducted with an inductive interpretive perspective (: 156-157). In other words, theories will be developed constructively
based on the facts in the field. In this case researchers are directly involved with the perspectives of the studied community, their ideas, their behavior, their motivations and their intentions, etc. . For the sake of the support of data reliability, the research is done by triangulation method. Triangulation in this case conveys the notion of obtaining the reliability of data through multiple points of view . This viewpoint can be obtained through various data collection methods, such as observation, in-depth interviews, studying documents, and so on (Glesne 1988).
In order to obtain a contextual theory, research is done in real-life setting, in the sense that wherever possible does not change the setting so that theories can appear naturally. The collected data constructs the theory but becomes the basis for directing the next data search. Thus there is a spiral between the construction of theory and the collection of data in accordance with the qualitative inductive qualities.
The location of this research is located on the centre of Bengkayang. The object of research are youth of Bengkayang, who in fact become the next generation that will improve the economy of Bengkayang in the future. The majority of youth are Dayak Kanayatn. The research wants to see why Dayak people rarely plunge into the entrepreneurial world and based on the background, how to grow entrepreneurial spirit within the youth? To answer this question requires a contextual study because the results certainly can not be generalized to all young people. Moreover, the majority of youth come from the Dayak Kanayatn tribe so there is a common background that forms the institutional culture among them.
3. Result and Discussion
In an interview, it was found that a youth realized that no Dayak people were famous enough in Indonesia, whether on the political stage, field of entertainment, or law. This is quite strange because Kalimantan is a very large island and most of the Kalimantan's population is Dayak people. This is very different for example with the Batak people who become many famous lawyers in the country. In fact, Batak people are from northern Sumatra, a very small part compared to the island of Borneo. Especially compared to Central Java which gives birth to many Presidents or land of Sunda that donates many artists.
When confirmed with colleagues in Java and Sumatra, most of them said that they never knew or knew very little about Dayaks in their lives. Why can this happen? Yet if we scapegoated access problem, many Flores people can be found in various places. In fact, Flores notabene with its development is also left behind.
Afraid! That is the word conveyed by the youth about the reasons why Dayak people are rarely found outside Kalimantan. It is said by them that Dayaks are afraid to come out. In other words, they are reluctant to leave their comfort zone, a zone that makes them feel at home with people who have been familiar since the beginning.
It is astounding to find out that fear is like a gene that can always exist for generations. However, it is finally understandable to recall the Ngayau Tradition that lived among their ancestors from year to year. The existence of the Ngayau Tradition makes people live in fear, not daring to go all the way from their territories. They live together in longhouses and cultivate the land in the same area. That's where they live in a strong communality, protecting each other. In every community group there is usually a commander in charge of the safety of all citizens. No wonder, until this millennium they are still reluctant to get out of their comfort zone, because since the beginning leaving their house to a distant place apparently is not common.
Another reason for the reluctance of the Dayaks to leave their comfort zone is the way of thinking that constantly associate with Jubata (God Creator), Talino (Human/ Neighbours), and Binua (region). Everyone is part of these three elements. Communal Dayak people are bound by the same spiritual devotion to Jubata and live on the same land. Going far means being equal to breaking away from the Jubata and abandoning the land, as well as its kinship incorporated as Talino. It is beyond their natural state of mind. Furthermore, breaking away from the Jubata, Talino, or Binua will make them no longer feel as a Dayak.
In fact, to plunge into the world of entrepreneurship requires courage. Courage to take risks, courage to seize opportunities, courage to establish relationships, even the courage to go far for both marketing and expansion. Then, how can the modern Dayak youth no longer inherit this fear of leaving their comfort zone and be free to join the business world.
The spiritual capital that delivers social capital
The spiritual awakening of the Dayak people who can not be separated from the Jubata-Talino-Binua is apparently able to become a Spiritual Capital because it makes a Bonding Social Capital. This happens because they live in a social network of kinship that prevailed from generations to generations since the ancestral times. They live with trust because they all become a big family living together in a traditional house. Thus, they live in the values and norms that are revived by tradition for generations as well. Those who violate the convention will automatically face social sanctions or even customary law. Thus all the elements needed for the formation of social capital, ie trust, norms, and social networks can be found in a Dayak community. However, their social capital is bonding because they live exclusively.
Apparently this communal attitude is also found in the daily life of the youth. Moreover, among Bengkayang youths there are also the value of love which makes the brotherhood among them more powerful. This condition is very conducive to giving birth to a social capital. The problem now is how to transform the bonding social capital into linkage social capital so they can plunge into the vast business world.
In this case, it seems that the knowledge transfer from the lecturers who instilled Love Values to the students enables them to view a wider horizon. Talino for them is no longer just kinsmen but humans everywhere. Of course this is very great advantage in pioneering entrepreneurship.
Spiritual capital in institutional economics
The Dayak youth in Bengkayang centre clearly shows the economic system of capitalism which tends individually will be unsuitable for them. If their ancestors protect each other communally so that no heads severed for ngayau tradition, it is not impossible if the youth now stay communally to form a joint business.
In the midst of community, moral principles are more dominant than economic rationality. The basis of human decisions in transactions is often not only based on the needs or low cost, but based on the values that live in the middle of the community, as well as what becomes shared belief and shared ideology.
Thus, to foster entrepreneurial spirit among Dayak youth there is a need of knowledge transfered in the field of institutional economy. This has been attempted through Institutional Economics and Social Capital. Apparently, the results are quite encouraging. They are very developed in pioneering business ideas, and as expected, their business design is very communal. In addition to emphasizing collaboration, their business design involves many villagers and there is an empowerment emphasis on their partner villages. After all, the concept of Jubata- Talino-Binua (God-Human-Land) is still attached in their minds, but they are expanded. The Jubata for them is no longer the Creator God who can not go anywhere but in the village, now it is God who is the omnipresent Creator God, who can be found anywhere. Talino is no longer a close relative but all the creatures of God who have created them as well. The Binua is not only to the hometown but extends to the outer areas of Borneo. Especially with the presence of gadgets in their lives, the notion of Binua is modified.
Bengkayang border area that stands at the front gate of the Indonesian nation needs to be delivered from its underdeveloped status. Therefore, it needs a lot of Dayak young people who dare to plunge into the world of entrepreneurship to improve the local community's economy. In fact, Dayak people who plunge into the business world nowadays are so few.
Based on the results of the research, it was found out that the Spiritual Capital of the Dayak youth can produce Social Capital that can support the business network. For Dayak youth who still live communally, this entrepreneurial spirit can be developed through an institutional economic approach.